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The
New Yorker Looks at a Conservative
On Renaissance Media Man - Hugh Hewitt…
[by Roger Aronoff] 9/14/05
Conservatives
are often held up by the liberal media as a rare species to
be studied and explained to their viewers and readers. It is
a nuisance that they used to not have to worry about. Perhaps
that is why the New York Times has a writer for whom conservatives
are his beat. And perhaps it explains the recent New Yorker
profile of Hugh Hewitt, lawyer, teacher, radio host, and author
of the book Blog: Understanding the Information Reformation.
Hewitt, a
Renaissance Man of the New Media universe, previously worked
for then-former President Nixon at his Western White House
in California, and in the Reagan Justice Department, where
he worked with current Supreme Court nominee John Roberts.
Hewitt is
representative of a radical shift in how many people now get
their information. It used to be that
the only TV news
available was the big three broadcast networks airing only 15
minutes a day on their evening news. That evolved to 30 minutes
a day in the late sixties. At that time, the only real national
newspaper was the Wall Street Journal, though the New
York Times was still the “paper of record.” Then in the seventies
came cable and CNN, about the same time as C-SPAN and Nightline,
the late night ABC News show, which grew out of nightly coverage
of the 444 days that Americans were held hostage in Iran following
the revolution that brought Ayatollah Khomeini to power.
In 1987, the Fairness Doctrine was eliminated by the Reagan
administration. It had required that equal time must always be
given to people holding opposing political views to those expressed
on broadcast TV or radio. At the time, many conservatives, including
AIM founder Reed Irvine, opposed this change, because the Fairness
Doctrine at the time seemed like the only way conservatives could
get their opinions heard. Reed later acknowledged that he had
been wrong on this one.
The end of
the Fairness Doctrine marked the beginning of a new era for
conservatives. With Rush Limbaugh leading
the way in
radio, and later Fox News in broadcasting, plus the Internet,
and later book publishers, conservatives have made great strides
in their ability to get their views out into the marketplace
of ideas. If you factor in the impact of the blogosphere, it
is clear that things will never be the same. The blogs, for example,
showed the world that the documents CBS used as evidence in their
story last September about President Bush’s National Guard
service were phony, leading to an investigation and the firing
or resignation of several top CBS producers.
According
to The New Yorker article by Nicholas Lemann, “Conservatives
love to complain about journalism. They have been devising their
own version of what journalism ought to look like: faster, more
opinionated, more multimedia, and less hung up on distancing
itself from the practice of politics than the daily-newspaper
and network news versions.”
This is where
the left gets it wrong. It is Lemann’s view
that the daily newspapers and network news play it straight,
and those conservatives are the ones who are biased. But the
public largely sees through that. That is perhaps why Air America,
the left-wing radio network that started last year, is doing
so poorly in the ratings and financially. Something called the
Democracy Alliance plans to raise and spend $200 million to create
a new “progressive” infrastructure to compete with
the conservatives. But no matter how much money they spend, they
may not be able to sell their liberal ideas.
Hugh Hewitt
echoes Bernard Goldberg’s book, Bias, when
he talks about the mainstream media establishment as ideologically
compatible people and “a self-perpetuating elite.” When
asked by Lemann if the mainstream media has a proclivity to blend
journalism and politics, Hewitt said yes, that both the New
York Times and Washington function as political tools for the liberals.
Polls also serve this function. “Polling is an activism
tool,” he says. “Every time the Washington Post or
the New York Times runs a poll, they are attempting to influence
legislation. They are engaged in activism. It’s mediated,
though. Our way is not mediated.”
One example
of liberal bias in The New Yorker story is Hewitt’s
revealing radio interview with ABC News White House correspondent
Terry Moran. “There is, Hugh, I agree with you, a deep
anti-military bias in the media,” Moran said. “One
that begins from the premise that the military must be lying,
and that American projection of power around the world must be
wrong. I think that that is a hangover from Vietnam, and I think
it’s very dangerous.”
With those
statements, Moran was justifying the emergence of conservative
blogs to monitor and check the power
of the liberal
media, driven by what Moran concedes is a “dangerous” anti-American
attitude. We salute Hugh Hewitt, a media pioneer. tRO
copyright
2005 Accuracy in Media
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