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Ralph Peters is a regular columnist with the New
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PETERS |
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Lifting The Pall
by Ralph
Peters [author,
novelist] 7/12/07
Gen. David Petraeus, our nation's senior soldier in Iraq and the
commander of Coalition forces, this week took the time to explain where he believes we are right now - and where Iraq is
headed.
Ralph Peters: The current military operations in Iraq appear comprehensive and tenacious, part of a long-term, integrated plan. What can we realistically expect to achieve?
Petraeus: Our primary goal is to work with our Iraqi counterparts to improve
security for the Iraqi people. This is intended to give Iraqi leaders
the time to resolve the tough political issues they face and to pursue
internal reconciliation.
Contributor
Ralph Peters - Contributor
Ralph
Peters is a retired Army officer and the author of 19 books,
as well as of hundreds of essays and articles, written both
under his own name and as Owen Parry. He is a frequent columnist
for the New York Post and other publications. [go to Peters Index] |
We're working to eliminate the
capability for al Qaeda and any other extremist groups to plan,
assemble forces and mount attacks. We're clearing extremist sanctuaries
in Baghdad, as well as in the belts around the city and in Diyala
Province - while pursuing terrorist and extremist leaders throughout
Iraq.
As to reasonable expectations, we can expect a reduction
in sectarian deaths and the gradual spread of Iraqi government
authority. The level of sectarian deaths in Baghdad in June was the
lowest in about a year. Nonetheless, extremists still have been able to
carry out car bomb and other attacks. Obviously, there's considerable
work to be done to reduce that ability.
Q: There's a strong focus on going after al-Qaeda-in-Iraq in this offensive. How are you bringing our strengths against their weaknesses?
A: Al-Qaeda-in-Iraq's key weaknesses are an ideology that does not
resonate with Iraqis and an indiscriminate brutality that alienates the
people. Popular sentiment has begun to shift against them.
To
break al Qaeda's grip on troubled areas, we employ the full range of
our combat and support capabilities, as well as interagency assets. At
the end of the day, though, it's a Marine or Soldier on foot who does
the final clearing, and our troops have been magnificent - as have, in
many cases, our Iraqi partners, though their performance remains
uneven.
Wherever we operate, we try to reconnect Iraqi
ministries and local governments to meet the needs of the people.
Finally, we provide opportunities for Iraqis to use their local
knowledge to help root out al Qaeda. Successful operations of this
nature have played out in recent months in Ramadi, Hit and Baquba. In
each case, Iraqis turned against al Qaeda and sided with the Coalition.
Q: After more than four years of often frustrating operations in Iraq, troop morale remains remarkably resilient by historical standards. Even re-enlistment rates are impressive. How do our men and women in uniform remain so committed?
A: They know they're engaged in a critical endeavor, one that's "larger
than self." They recognize the mission's importance not just to Iraq,
but to the entire region and to our own country. Despite multiple tours
and separations from loved ones, not to mention the impatience,
frustration and other emotions we all feel at times, our men and women
in uniform want to see Iraqis succeed - and, of course, they have a
fierce desire not to let down their buddies. The bonds of those who
have served together in combat are particularly strong.
We
celebrated the 4th of July with a wonderful ceremony in Baghdad. It
included what may have been the largest re-enlistment ceremony in
history: 588 of our men and women raised their right hands and signed
up for another tour in the Armed Forces. Following that, 161 soldiers
and Marines became United States citizens, reciting the oath to the
nation they had been serving in combat, but that had not yet been their
own. They were proud Americans, and we were all proud of them.
Q: The performance of Iraqi security forces still seems to be a mixed bag. What are their strengths and weaknesses? Do they really have a national identity?
A: There is a national identity in the Iraqi security forces, though it varies in
intensity and some units still exhibit the sectarian behavior that was
so destructive in late 2006.
The Iraqi security forces often
reflect the quality of their leaders. There are some very good units
that are largely operating on their own, and there are some that need
considerable Coalition assistance.
Of course, their strengths
include a level of cultural awareness that no amount of training can
give us. They have knowledge of the local areas that's particularly
helpful, and their human intelligence networks can be of considerable
value. Beyond that, they've been willing to fight - especially when their leaders set the example. Their losses in June were three times ours.
Their key weaknesses are a lack of logistical self-sufficiency, heavy
weaponry shortages (improving) and the lack of the infrastructure so
important in modern warfare - all of which we're helping them build up.
In the case of the local police, recruits and their families
can be vulnerable to intimidation and coercion, if the situation where
they live gets tough.
Q: The defection of Sunni tribes in Anbar from their alliance with al-Qaeda-in-Iraq to cooperate with Coalition forces is one of the most encouraging developments we've seen. Can this be sustained and expanded? Are there risks?
A: The "flipping" of the tribes in Anbar has been a very heartening
development, and we do believe it can be sustained and expanded. That's
precisely what the Iraqi government and our units are striving to do as
Sunni tribes in Diyala, Salah ad Din and Ninevah Provinces turn against
al Qaeda and its extremist affiliates.
We're beginning to see
a revolt of the middle against both extremes. That's potentially
decisive. Of course, there are risks involved, should these groups turn
on one another or on government forces after they're done with al
Qaeda, but the risk looks manageable. Key to all this is to incorporate
those who want to fight extremists into Iraqi government institutions
as quickly as possible, so that they're responsive to a government
chain of command (and get their salaries that way, too).
Q: While there's a feel of military progress just now, there hasn't been corresponding progress within the Iraqi government, whose members continue to squabble. Why should Americans believe the Iraqis can get their act together?
A: The political dimension is the most significant current challenge.
Iraqi leaders are grappling with first-order questions - akin to our
own debates at the birth of our nation over states' rights and so on.
And the progress has been less than what all of us - the Iraqis as well
as Coalition leaders - had hoped to see.
There have been some
encouraging signs, such as progress on some critical legislation and
the rise of opposition to extremists in many areas, but, ultimately,
the political issues must be resolved by Iraqis in an Iraqi way. Our
role is to create an environment in which political compromise becomes
possible - by breaking the cycle of sectarian violence and lifting the
pall of fear.
Q: Now that the surge is fully in place, what's your sense of the positives and negatives thus far? If you could have more of any one item, what would it be? Troops? Time? Iraqi unity?
A: I can think of few commanders in history who wouldn't have wanted more
troops, more time or more unity among their partners; however, if I
could only have one at this point in Iraq, it would be more time. This
is an exceedingly tough endeavor that faces countless challenges.
None of us, Iraqi or American, are anything but impatient and
frustrated at where we are. But there are no shortcuts. Success in an
endeavor like this is the result of steady, unremitting pressure over
the long haul. It's a test of wills, demanding patience, determination
and stamina from all involved. ExileStreet
Ralph Peters' new book, "Wars of Blood and Faith," comes out on July 25.
This
piece first appeared in the New York Post
copyright 2007 - NY Post
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